An Analysis of Minority Persecution in Bangladesh and East Pakistan Since 1947

This paper explores the historical context of minority oppression in East Pakistan and independent Bangladesh, highlighting its escalation during periods dominated by ethnoreligious leaders and its ongoing repercussions manifested as contemporary violence against these communities.

An Analysis of Minority Persecution in Bangladesh and East Pakistan Since 1947

Analysis

By Arun Anand

The distinction between democracy and other governmental forms such as theocracy, autocracy, and aristocracy lies fundamentally in the concept of ‘demos’, which translates to 'the people'. At its core, modern democracy, alongside the rule of law, seeks to uphold individual rights rather than collective group rights. However, in an increasingly interconnected world, elements like religion and ethnicity complicate the notion of equality among individuals. This complexity intensifies when power is seized by ethnoreligious factions that reject the secular principles of governance. Bangladesh exemplifies this challenge.

Since the partition of India in 1947, when it became East Pakistan, the persecution of minorities has been a longstanding issue in Bangladesh. The evolving political regimes, social movements, and external geopolitical influences have significantly shaped the ethnoreligious dynamics of the region over the decades. These factors have contributed to the systematic marginalization and violence directed at minority groups, particularly Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, and indigenous populations. This essay explores the historical context of minority oppression in East Pakistan and independent Bangladesh, highlighting its escalation during periods dominated by ethnoreligious leaders and its ongoing repercussions manifested as contemporary violence against these communities.

Historical Context

The partition of India in 1947 resulted in the formation of two independent nations: India and Pakistan. East Pakistan, now recognized as Bangladesh, was established as a homeland for Muslims. This religious division, however, led to the marginalization of the significant Hindu community that remained in East Pakistan, which comprised nearly 30% of the population at that time. The early years of East Pakistan were characterized by policies and practices that discriminated against minority groups. The Objective Resolution adopted by Pakistan's Constituent Assembly in 1949 established a framework for a state aligned with Islamic values, thereby side-lining other communities. Additionally, the official designation of Urdu as the national language further alienated Bengali Hindus, who played a crucial role in the region's cultural and intellectual heritage.

The East Bengal Evacuee (Administration of Property) Act of 1951 specifically targeted Hindu landowners, categorising them as absentee evacuees in order to seize their properties when they fled to India. These legislative measures had a particularly adverse effect on the Hindu minority, as they undermined their economic stability. The riots in Barisal during 1950 highlighted the precarious situation of Hindu minorities. These violent outbreaks were largely a consequence of both governmental inaction and societal bias against these communities.

1971 Liberation War

Severe atrocities, including genocide, mass sexual violence, and the deliberate targeting of minority groups marked the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. The military of Pakistan, along with local collaborators, systematically aimed at Bengali Hindus, who were viewed as supporters of the pro-independence movement and seen as cultural and political allies of India. The Pakistani army regarded Hindus as "agents of India" and cultural outsiders, which they believed justified their persecution due to underlying religious and political tensions. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report, a post-war investigation conducted by Pakistan, acknowledged that Hindus were specifically singled out for extermination.

On March 25, 1971, during Operation Searchlight, the Pakistani military executed brutal assaults in Dhaka and other urban areas. Hindu neighbourhoods such as Rayerbazar and Shankhari Bazaar were particularly targeted, resulting in thousands of deaths. Throughout the conflict, Hindus were subjected to mass killings often displayed publicly to instil fear among the populace. One of the most horrific incidents was the Chuknagar massacre in May 1971, where between 10,000 and 15,000 Hindus were murdered in a single day.

During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, which was fought against West Pakistan, a secular and inclusive vision was initially advocated by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League. Nevertheless, the conflict had a particularly devastating impact on minority groups, as the military forces of Pakistan engaged in genocidal campaigns targeting Hindus and other minorities. An estimated 2 to 3 million individuals lost their lives, with countless Hindus fleeing to India for safety. The founding constitution of Bangladesh in 1972 enshrined secularism, ensuring equality for all citizens regardless of their religious beliefs. Unfortunately, this commitment to secularism was short-lived. The assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 marked a pivotal shift away from secular ideals, as subsequent governments systematically eroded the rights of minority communities. 

Birth of Bangladesh and Continued Plight of Minorities

The emergence of military dictators such as Ziaur Rahman and Hussain Muhammad Ershad represented a significant deviation from the secular ideals established in 1972. Both leaders actively fostered Islamisation, often to the detriment of minority groups. Ziaur Rahman removed secularism from the constitution, replacing it with a mandate to uphold Islamic values. The Enemy Property Act, later renamed the Vested Property Act, continued to disenfranchise Hindus by allowing the state to confiscate properties abandoned by minorities. In 1988, Ershad declared Islam the state religion, further embedding religious bias within the governance framework. His administration was characterised by frequent assaults on Hindu temples and an increase in minority emigration to India.

Since the restoration of democratic governance in the 1990s, Bangladesh has experienced alternating periods of optimism and despair for its minorities. The two dominant political parties, the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), have alternated in power. While the AL is often associated with secular principles, the BNP has repeatedly engaged in majoritarian politics and formed alliances with religious factions.

Following the 2001 elections, in which the BNP-led coalition, including Jamaat-e-Islami, emerged victorious, widespread violence erupted against Hindu communities, who were viewed as supporters of the Awami League. The UNHCR reported extensive atrocities that included sexual assaults, physical attacks, looting, and arson, particularly in the Hindu-majority regions of Barisal, Bhola, and Bagerhat. As a result of this violence, tens of thousands of Hindu families sought refuge in India, marking one of the most severe instances of post-election violence in the nation's history.

The 2014 general elections, which saw the boycott by the BNP, were marked by the targeting of minority voters by groups aligned with the opposition. Hindu communities in Jessore, Dinajpur, and Thakurgaon districts experienced violent attacks, with houses and temples being set ablaze. In the subsequent 2018 elections, minorities faced threats and assaults from political actors aiming to intimidate voters. Hindu villages located in areas perceived as strongholds of the Awami League were particularly vulnerable, highlighting the perilous intersection of religion and politics in Bangladesh.

Islamist groups such as Hefazat-e-Islam have recently emerged as significant influences on electoral outcomes and the political discourse in Bangladesh. These organisations have implemented policies that marginalise minorities, including prohibitions on cultural practices and educational reforms aligned with Islamic texts. Political alliances with such groups often strengthen extremist factions. For example, during the 2016 Nasirnagar anti-Hindu attacks, mobs vandalised Hindu temples and homes based on allegations of blasphemy circulating on Facebook. Investigations revealed that local political leaders had instigated this violence to gain electoral advantages.

Conclusion

Rana Dasgupta, a Bangladeshi activist for minority rights and prosecutor at Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal, stated in a 2017 interview, “Hindus in Bangladesh have faced ethnic cleansing since 1947.” The preceding context supports this assertion entirely. The proportion of minorities in Bangladesh has steadily declined from 30% to merely 9%. Following the ousting of Sheikh Hasina, minorities were significantly affected. A report by The Indian Express noted that “the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, the most organised group representing the country’s religious minorities, recorded a total of 2,010 communal incidents between August 4 and August 20, resulting in nine fatalities, four rapes, and attacks on 69 places of worship.”

The violence against minorities, particularly Hindus, during this so-called ‘revolution’, stemmed from two primary factors: Hasina’s secular policies and her administration's close ties with India. After taking charge of the interim government, Mohammad Yunus has attempted to present himself as a secular leader; however, the realities on the ground indicate a lack of a genuine secular force within Bangladesh's political landscape, which may lead to an increase in violence against minorities. Unlike previous incidents, reports of violence against minorities have gained global attention. For instance, during his election campaign, US President-elect Donald Trump highlighted the violence faced by minorities in Bangladesh. It is crucial for the interim government to uphold secular values and safeguard minority rights at this juncture.

Disclaimer: This paper is the author's individual scholastic contribution and does not necessarily reflect the organization's viewpoint.

The writer is a senior journalist and a distinguished fellow with Usanas Foundation. He has written more than a dozen books. His x handle is @ArunAnandLive